As a soldier committed his life (voluntarily, at least in theory) to the greater cause of Rome’s victory, he was not expected to survive defeat. As Wiedemann points out, December was also the month for the Saturnalia, Saturn’s festival, in which death was linked to renewal, and the lowest were honoured as the highest. They included a provincial magnate’s five-day munus of thirty pairs, plus beast hunts. Many, if not most, involved venationes, and in the later empire some may have been only that.

• The gladiator as a specialist fighter, and the ethos and organization of the gladiator schools, would inform the development of the Roman military as the most effective force of its time.
• Increasingly the munus was the editor’s gift to spectators who had come to expect the best as their due.
• Devotio (willingness to sacrifice one’s life to the greater good) was central to the Roman military ideal, and was the core of the Roman military oath.
• Later games were held by an editor, either identical with the munerator or an official employed by him.
• Once a band of five retiarii in tunics, matched against the same number of secutores, yielded without a struggle; but when their death was ordered, one of them caught up his trident and slew all the victors.
• Modern customs and institutions offer few useful parallels to the legal and social context of the gladiatoria munera.

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Next came the ludi meridiani, which were of variable content but usually involved executions of noxii, some of whom were condemned to be subjects of fatal re-enactments, based on Greek or Roman myths. Official munera of the early Imperial era seem to have followed a standard form (munus legitimum). Left-handed gladiators were advertised as a rarity; they were trained to fight right-handers, which gave them an advantage over most opponents and produced an interestingly unorthodox combination.

Gladiator

The amphitheatre munus thus served the Roman community as living theatre and a court in miniature, in which judgement could be served not only on those in the arena below, but on their judges. Petitions could be submitted to the editor (as magistrate) in full view of the community. From across the stands, crowd and editor could assess each other’s character and temperament. Their seating tiers surrounded the arena below, where the community’s judgments were meted out, in full public view.

Victory and defeat

• A single late primary source, the Calendar of Furius Dionysius Philocalus for 354, shows how seldom gladiators featured among a multitude of official festivals.
• Caesar’s 46 BC ludi were mere entertainment for political gain, a waste of lives and of money that would have been better doled out to his legionary veterans.
• Some monuments record the gladiator’s career in some detail, including the number of appearances, victories—sometimes represented by an engraved crown or wreath—defeats, career duration, and age at death.
• During the Civil Wars that led to the Principate, Octavian (later Augustus) acquired the personal gladiator troop of his erstwhile opponent, Mark Antony.
• Most were despised as slaves, schooled under harsh conditions, socially marginalized, and segregated even in death.
• Gladiator games were advertised well beforehand, on billboards that gave the reason for the game, its editor, venue, date and the number of paired gladiators (ordinarii) to be used.

The enthusiastic adoption of munera gladiatoria by Rome’s Iberian allies shows how easily, and how early, the culture of the gladiator munus permeated places far from Rome itself. In 216 BC, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, late consul and augur, was honoured by his sons with three days of munera gladiatoria in the Forum Romanum, using twenty-two pairs of gladiators. Tomb frescoes from the Campanian city of Paestum (4th century BC) show paired fighters, with helmets, spears and shields, in a propitiatory funeral blood-rite that anticipates early Roman gladiator games. For some modern scholars, reappraisal of pictorial evidence supports a Campanian origin, or at least a borrowing, for the games and gladiators. Early literary sources seldom agree on the origins of gladiators and the gladiator games.
Legislation by Claudius required that quaestors, the lowest rank of Roman magistrate, personally subsidise two-thirds of the costs of games for their small-town communities—in effect, both an advertisement of their personal generosity and a part-purchase of their office. The earliest munera took place at or near the tomb of the deceased and these were organised by their munerator (who made lanista the offering). In the Byzantine Empire, theatrical shows and chariot races continued to attract the crowds, and drew a generous imperial subsidy. By this time, interest in gladiator contests had waned throughout the Roman world.

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Even the most complex and sophisticated munera of the Imperial era evoked the ancient, ancestral dii manes of the underworld and were framed by the protective, lawful rites of sacrificium. During the Civil Wars that led to the Principate, Octavian (later Augustus) acquired the personal gladiator troop of his erstwhile opponent, Mark Antony. A career as a volunteer gladiator may have seemed an attractive option for some. Roman military discipline was ferocious; severe enough to provoke mutiny, despite the consequences. The dearth of freemen necessitated a new kind of enlistment; 8,000 sturdy youths from amongst the slaves were armed at the public cost, after they had each been asked whether they were willing to serve or no.

At Pompeii’s amphitheatre, during Nero’s reign, the trading of insults between Pompeians and Nucerian spectators during public ludi led to stone throwing and riots. He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats, though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows. A show of gladiators was to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for advantage. Some “unfree” gladiators bequeathed money and personal property to wives and children, possibly via a sympathetic owner or familia; some had their own slaves and gave them their freedom.
The Paestum frescoes may represent the continuation of a much older tradition, acquired or inherited from Greek colonists of the 8th century BC. This was accepted and repeated in most early modern, standard histories of the games. Most were despised as slaves, schooled under harsh conditions, socially marginalized, and segregated even in death. Join us and discover an online casino experience that’s truly enjoyable, reliable, and built for players like you. Built with players in mind, Lanista offers a modern online casino experience that feels effortless from the moment you log in.Licensed in Curacao, we operate with transparency and trust, making sure every spin, bet, and game is backed by secure and regulated standards.

Under Augustus’ rule, the demand for gladiators began to exceed supply, and matches sine missione were officially banned; an economical, pragmatic development that happened to match popular notions of “natural justice”. During the Imperial era, matches advertised as sine missione (usually understood to mean “without reprieve” for the defeated) suggest that missio (the sparing of a defeated gladiator’s life) had become common practice. A gladiator could acknowledge defeat by raising a finger (ad digitum), in appeal to the referee to stop the combat and refer to the editor, whose decision would usually rest on the crowd’s response. Similar representations (musicians, gladiators and bestiari) are found on a tomb relief in Pompeii.
The magistrate editor entered among a retinue who carried the arms and armour to be used; the gladiators presumably came in last. A procession (pompa) entered the arena, led by lictors who bore the fasces that signified the magistrate-editor’s power over life and death. The night before the munus, the gladiators were given a banquet and opportunity to order their personal and private affairs; Futrell notes its similarity to a ritualistic or sacramental “last meal”. Female gladiators probably submitted to the same regulations and training as their male counterparts. Other novelties introduced around this time included gladiators who fought from chariots or carts, or from horseback. In the mid-republican munus, each type seems to have fought against a similar or identical type.
One gladiator was even granted “citizenship” to several Greek cities of the Eastern Roman world. A rescript of Hadrian reminded magistrates that “those sentenced to the sword” (execution) should be despatched immediately “or at least within the year”, and those sentenced to the ludi should not be discharged before five years, or three years if granted manumission. “He vows to endure to be burned, to be bound, to be beaten, and to be killed by the sword.” The gladiator’s oath as cited by Petronius (Satyricon, 117). Regular massage and high quality medical care helped mitigate an otherwise very severe training regimen.